The Deep Politics of God (Part Six): The CNP, Dominionism, and the Ted Haggard Scandal
By Phillip Collins and Paul Collins
February 28, 2007
RaidersNewsNetwork.com
Deep Politics and the Evangelical Establishment
The CNP should concern people, but not necessarily for the reasons that the Left present. Groups like the CNP can draw innocent Christians into the practice of deep politics. Deep politics is a term first coined by Professor Peter Dale Scott. Scott gives the following description of deep politics:
My notion of deep politics… posits that in every culture and society there are facts which tend to be suppressed collectively, because of the social and psychological costs of not doing so. Like all other observers, I too have involuntarily suppressed facts and even memories about the drug traffic that were too provocative to be retained with equanimity. (No pagination)
Quite simply, deep politics are those criminal activities that make up the everyday business of the power elite and the deep political system (i.e., those factions of the government that have been prostituted out to the elite). Bill Moyers confirmed that modern day elites practice deep politics on a 1980 broadcast of his show Bill Moyers Journal. Commenting on the warnings of David Rockefeller’s detractors, Moyers stated: "what some critics see as a vast international conspiracy, he considers a circumstance of life, and just another day’s work" (Hoar 325). Christians should find it disturbing that many CNP members, such as John K. Singlaub and Oliver North, were involved in one of the greatest modern day examples of deep politics: the Iran-Contra Scandal.
The group responsible for systematizing the means and the methods that constitute deep politics is Adam Weishaupt’s Bavarian Illuminati. The Illuminists were anything but Christian. In his writings, Weishaupt wrote:
If in order to destroy all Christianity, all religion, we have to have the sole true religion, remember that the end justifies the means, and that the wise ought to take all the means to do good which the wicked take to do evil. (Webster, World Revolution, 13)
The Illuminati’s anti-Christian beliefs may have also been expressed through the group’s founding date: May 1st, 1776. Ralph Epperson elaborates:
The reason that Weishaupt chose the First of May to found his anti-Christian religion has not been satisfactorily explained. However, there are some interesting clues as to why he might have chosen that date.
One possible explanation involves the Roman emperor Diocletian, who reigned from 284-305 A.D.
After the death of Jesus, the Christian world continued to be persecuted by a string of violent Caesars of the Roman Empire. But the violence inaugurated by Diocletian surpassed them all in violence.
An edict requiring uniformity of worship was issued in 303 A.D., and the Christians resisted by refusing to pay homage to the image of the emperor. Diocletian met that resistance with specific retaliation against the Christians: they lost their public and private possessions, and their assemblies were prohibited. Their churches were torn down, and their sacred writings were destroyed.
In addition, many Christians paid for their resistance with their lives, it has been estimated that the victims numbered into the hundreds of thousands.
Finally, Diocletian grew ill, and abdicated on May 1, 305 A.D. The persecution persisted, but never again approached that of the emperor Diocletian.
Is it possible that Professor Weishaupt learned about the date of this abdication and picked up the mantle laid down by Diocletian, and started the persecution of Christians again, some 1400 years later? (106-7)
By engaging in deep politics, CNP members are mimicking the anti-Christian Illuminists, whether they are aware of it or not. A good example is the Bush and Reagan Administration’s use of a secret team of covert operators to conceal its secret agenda. As Joel Bainerman points out in Crimes of a President, this method is strikingly similar to the Illuminati’s strategy of never appearing under its own name and establishing other organizations to carry out its secret agenda (307). CNP members John K. Singlaub and Oliver North were part of the secret team of covert operators carrying out the Reagan and Bush Administration’s secret agenda. Bainerman also notes that Weishaupt:
…was also successful in convincing many Christian leaders to join the order by telling them that the Illuminati was a Christian organization and that its purpose was to unify the world for the sake of Christ. (307)
This is similar to the CNP’s strategy of luring in Christians with thinly camouflaged Dominionist rhetoric. These facts should give Christians some pause. Perhaps shying away from groups like the CNP and remaining on a grass roots level better serves the cause of righteousness.
The whole Haggard scandal may prove to be a result of deep politics on the Colorado political scene. When one considers the proximity of the Haggard scandal to the November 2006 elections, the idea that the scandal is explained by the accidentalists begins to strain credulity. Haggard’s New Life Church in Colorado Springs gave six thousand dollars to the Coloradans for Marriage coalition that has proposed a constitutional amendment defining marriage as solely between a man and a woman (Simpson, no pagination). This made Haggard an enemy of Tim Gill, a gay rights activist and computer software entrepreneur. Gill’s Foundation Action Fund gave fifty-five thousand dollars to the Coloradans for Fairness Issue Committee, which is the opposition of Coloradans for Marriage (no pagination).
Gill’s foundation in Washington, the Gill Action Fund, is headed by Patrick Guerriero, who is the former leader of the Log Cabin Republicans, the gay faction of the GOP ("Gill Action Fund," no pagination). This puts Gill in a perfect position to collect intelligence on closet homosexuals in or close to the GOP. Haggard is definitely connected to the GOP. Until the scandal, Haggard would speak to President George W. Bush or his advisors every Monday (Sharlet, "Soldiers of Christ," no pagination). While this is only a theory, it is a possibility that must be considered.
Does the GOP have a sex problem that makes it susceptible to blackmail and manipulation? Unfortunately, the answer seems to be a resounding yes. On September 28, 2006, Rhonda Schwartz and Maddy Sauer reported on ABC News that a sixteen-year-old male former congressional page alerted Capitol Hill staffers of questionable e-mails that he had received from Congressman Mark Foley’s office (no pagination). Foley asked the boy about his age, what he wanted for his birthday, and requested a photograph of the boy (no pagination). A day later, ABC reported that it had seen the sexually explicit excerpts of the e-mails and Foley announced that he was going to resign (Ross and Sauer, no pagination).
Another example of a sexual deviant within the ranks of the GOP is none other than Cheney’s deposed chief of Staff Scooter Libby. Many Americans are familiar with Scooter Libby because of his connection to the Valerie Plame affair. What many people are not aware of is Libby’s sexually explicit writings. In 1996, Libby released The Apprentice, a book that took him more than twenty years to write (Collins, "Scooter’s Sex Shocker," no pagination). The book is filled with homoeroticism, bestiality and incestuous themes, with an unspeakably gross passage where a ten-year-old girl is abused ("Scooter’s Sex Shocker," no pagination).
GOP sexual deviants are, by no means, disorganized. There is a large body of evidence suggesting that there is actually a well-organized homoerotic cabal within the GOP. This cabal is also involved in satanic ritual abuse and the dirty side of the intelligence community. This revelation did not originate with a conspiracy theorist or some crank who reads too many Dan Brown novels. It came from John DeCamp, a former Nebraska Senator and decorated Vietnam War hero. While looking into the collapse of Nebraska’s Franklin Community Federal Credit Union, investigators happened upon evidence of criminal activities of the part of the credit union’s manager: Republican Party activist Lawrence E. "Larry" King Jr. According to DeCamp, Larry King led a double life:
When Larry King traveled the political circuit, he evidently had two agendas. To the public, he was the rising GOP star with the resonant baritone voice. Something else went on behind closed doors. (166)
What exactly went on behind closed doors? Drawing upon the notes of a private investigator named Gary Caradori, DeCamp examines darker events that percolated just below the surface of the 1984 GOP convention. The events in question involved the Webb foster child Kendra, the Webb children’s’ aunt Marcy, and a social worker named Joanie:
At the Dallas convention in 1984, King threw his splashy party at Southfork Ranch, remembered by me and many other delegates as an unparalleled extravaganza. According to the several victim-witnesses, he also arranged some private events during the convention. They recall being flown to Dallas, to be sexually used by convention-goers. Gary Caradori mapped the recollections of the Webb foster children in his notes of February 1990: "During this visit [the children’s aunt] Marcy informed [social worker] Joanie that [the youngest Patterson Webb sister] Kendra had told her she had been transported around the country several times, she thought to Texas and Louisiana. Marcy remembered Texas in particular, and a Republican Convention because one of the children, possibly Kendra, had a book of matches from Texas and that is how the children had known where they were at. Joanie stated that she remembered that the children had been exploited sexually in Texas, and she indicated that it was [the] feeling this activity had been occurring for several years." (167)
DeCamp also fleshes out the allegations against King with the testimony of yet another victim-witness, Paul Bonacci:
I was later to learn from Paul Bonacci, that he was also at the famed Southfork party. He described it for me in exact detail, some seven years after the party took place. He had been here for the purpose of providing sexual favors for people Larry King wanted to accommodate, satisfy, or compromise. Paul said he was one of a troop of teenaged boys and girls, whom King had shipped to Dallas for his purposes. (167)
There are several aspects of Bonacci’s testimony that suggest that what he is saying is legitimate and true:
I have talked to Paul repeatedly about this party. I have listened to his description. Only by having been there, could someone describe the setting the way Paul did to me. Because I was there myself for the party, I am certain that Paul Bonacci was there and did not invent his story or his description of the party. This was, it happens, just one of Paul’s leads into matters surrounding Larry King and Franklin that I could personally check out and know the boy was telling the truth. Not because somebody told me he was telling the truth. Not because somebody said he passed a lie detector test on the subject. But because I was there and saw a part of it, and saw the exact same things this boy did. (167)
King was also present at a New Orleans Republican convention:
Again in 1988, attendance at Larry King’s party was virtually mandatory for any true Nebraska Republican attending the Republican National Convention, held this time in New Orleans. Most of the Nebraska delegation was transported to the party by bus. The theme of the festivities was Mardi Gras. (167)
According to DeCamp, in New Orleans, King engaged in the same nefarious activities that he been involved in at the 1984 Dallas convention:
King’s parties were designed to bring in everybody, from the innocent to the top-ranking businessmen and politicians. I personally attended the two largest parties he ever threw, as did many Republican officials. As a guest at the party, you would not know from the outer glitter, what sordid activity was going on behind the scenes. I am sure that was the character of many of Larry King’s parties, particularly the political events. Outwardly, they had the appearance of legitimacy, with prominent people in attendance, from mayors to presidents, from businessmen to congressmen. So, when people say to me, Well, I was at one of Larry King’s parties and I did not see any of this sex or drug or pedophilia stuff,’ I understand that they may be speaking with honesty and accuracy. As to what really went on, I believe they are wrong. (168)
DeCamp also speaks of King’s connections to the late Craig Spence:
King acquired contacts in Washington’s homosexual prostitution scene, one of whom was the late Craig Spence. A lobbyist and political operative, Spence maintained a call boy ring that catered to the political elite and, unlike most D.C. call boy rings, offered children to its clients. (169)
Craig Spence’s operation reached into high places, and even had connections into the murky world of intelligence. Eventually Spence’s racket became the center of media attention:
Spence’s activities made banner headlines in the Washington Times on June 29, 1989: ‘Homosexual prostitution inquiry ensnares VIP’s with Reagan, Bush.’ Spence’s access was so good, that he could arrange nighttime tours of the White House for his clients. The Times added on August 9, 1989, that Spence ‘hinted the tours were arranged by ‘top level’ persons, including Donald Gregg, national security advisor to Vice President Bush. . . ." Spence, according to friends, was also carrying out homosexual blackmail operations for the CIA. (169)
DeCamp informs the reader that investigations conducted journalists uncovered the connection between King and Spence:
According to a Washington, D.C. investigative journalist who researched the Spence ring, "The way we discovered Larry King and this Nebraska-based call boy ring, was by looking through the credit card chits of Spence’s ring, where we found King’s name." Another investigator, with personal knowledge of the call-boy rings operating in Washington, put it this way: "Larry King and Craig Spence were business partners. Look at two companies, ‘Dream Boys’ and ‘Man to Man’, both of which operated under another service, ‘Bodies by God.’" (169)
Spence would eventually die under mysterious circumstances, but the questions persisted even after the man’s death. These questions focused on rumors that both King and Spence participated in the Iran-Contra scandal:
When Craig Spence turned up dead—a suicide, police were quick to say—in a Boston hotel room, in November 1989, it was the latest in the long string of deaths of persons linked to Iran-Contra covert operations and funding. There is evidence that Larry King had Washington business in that area as well. ‘In the 6 ½ months since federal authorities closed Franklin, rumors have persisted that money from the credit union somehow found its way to the Nicaraguan contra rebels,’ said a World-Herald article on May 21, 1989. (169)
Reporter James Allen Flanery was one of the individuals who took a closer look into the Iran-Contra aspect of the King/Spence story. After some digging, Flanery found that there was substance to the rumors. DeCamp shares Flanery’s story:
The first World-Herald reporter on the Franklin case, James Allen Flanery, apparently found more than rumors about the money-laundering. In late 1988, Flanery called Carol Stitt to discuss what he had learned. Their conversation is related in a February 21, 1989 report by Jerry Lowe: "Carol’s notes also have a reference to Larry King running guns and money into Nicaragua . . . . Carol’s notes on Dec. 21, 1988 reflect that she talked with Flanery and in addition to the Nicaraguan info, he was also now talking about CIA involvement and provided info that yesterday (Dec. 20) the FBI quit cooperating with him . . . .Carol’s notes next jump to Feb.6, 1989, where she talked on the phone with Flanery, and Flanery told her that the appropriate people didn’t want to believe any of this and who was ever going to prosecute it. Apparently Flanery told Carol he was close to resigning and the reasons he didn’t think anyone wanted to do anything was because of the possibility of a White House connection, the connections to a number of big people, and the fact that the investigators wanted badly to confine this all to the money. Also many white people made Larry King [who was African-American], he did not happen on his own." (170)
Apparently, Flanery’s snooping into Franklin caught the attention of people who did not want the story told. Pressure began to be applied on Flanery to convince him to leave the Franklin story alone:
Apparently Flanery told Carol he was uncomfortable on the phone, his editor was distressed and things he had written were continually edited, he wanted his byline off the article printed the 9th among other things . . . Flanery also expressed concern to Carol that if he didn’t get off this story he worried about being compromised."
The pressure and intimidation began to take a heavy toll on Flanery. This campaign of scare-tactics had the desired effect:
Soon Flanery was off the Franklin case, which continued for months to be the major news lead in Nebraska, and went to the University of Kansas on Sabbatical. When he returned a year later, Flanery no longer wrote about Franklin. (170)
During the legislative Franklin probe, DeCamp was contacted by an insider at National Credit:
Squelching interest in an Iran-Contra connection to Franklin was also a topic of the hour, in that phone call I received from National Credit Union administration official Fenner, back in the early months of the legislative Franklin probe. ‘Why would the head of the NCUA be wanting to talk to me?’ I wondered out loud, when my secretary said that Fenner was on the line. The man on the other end of the phone said he knew I was a close friend of former CIA head Bill Colby, and that I also was Senator Loran Schmit’s personal attorney. He quickly came to his point. (170-171)
During the conversation, Fenner tried to steer DeCamp clear of any connection of Franklin to Iran-Contra:
"I know there are a lot of rumors, that Franklin was being used as a front for laundering money for the Contras and that a lot of the money that is missing from Franklin actually went to finance the Contras." I acknowledged that I had heard such talk, and told, him, "I myself am one of those who wonder, if that is not a real possibility, in light of the way things have been shaking out on the Contra scandal." Fenner then gave me a flood of details on the secret Franklin accounts, and where the missing money supposedly went. No destinations linked with Iran-Contra were mentioned. (171)
While Fenner was evading questions concerning connections between Franklin and Iran-Contra, he did make a startling admission that suggests the existence of a homoerotic cabal. This cabal is intimately tied to the Franklin affair:
"So tell me," I said, "just what is at the bottom of it? If it is not laundered money involved in the Iran-Contra scandal, what the blazes is it? And how could Larry King get away with this, without you or somebody else knowing what was going on? Looks to me as if he had to have one heck of a lot powerful political protection at the highest levels." "Homosexuals," Fenner said, "Franklin financed the biggest group of homosexuals any state has ever seen. A lot of awfully powerful and prominent personalities involved. But probably not anything you can do anything about." (171)
Does this organized network of sexual deviants connect in any way to the CNP? We shall answer this question in the seventh installment of this ongoing investigation.
Sources Cited
All sources will be presented in the twelfth and final installment of this series.
Links To Parts 1 -5:
Part 1
Part 2
Part 3
Part 4
Part 5
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